Chapter 7： Layout public opinion

While the order is running out, Franz doesn't go any further.

The capitalists are not easy to mess with, even if they have not yet dominated the government, their strength still cannot be underestimated.

Standing in Franz's position, it is OK to ask questions, asking him to charge for the interests of the working class, and resist the bourgeoisie!

For this great and arduous task, Franz has decided to give it to the noble class conservatives, and Prime Minister Metternich is one of the candidates.

Perhaps one day, the capitalists are asking for the right to vote, to implement constitutional government, and to liberate serfs; the aristocratic masters are calling for a labor protection law to protect the rights of the working class.

However, after the slogans have been called out by the two groups, the Austrian people may be dumbfounded.

This is also determined by the actual situation in Austria. The aristocracy still stays in the feudal class. It is a natural conflict of interest with the capitalists. The two sides have not yet had time to merge.

If by the beginning of the 20th century, nobles and capitalists formed interest groups, it would really be that there was no other way to get it done by political means except to overthrow reconstruction.

In addition to fanning the flames in front of Metternich, Franz had other preparations. He didn't think he could move the old fox.

Don't look at their relationship very well, but in politics, everyone never sees friendship.

While chatting, Franz was also qualified to start a newspaper. Prior to the March 1848 revolution, the Austrian Empire implemented a book inspection system.

As of March 1848, there were 79 newspapers in Austria. This is a newspaper, not a newspaper!

Considering that a newspaper can publish several newspapers at the same time, the number of newspapers will only be smaller.

Looking at this set of data, we know how difficult it was to run a newspaper in this era.

However, this is not a problem for Franz. The regulation of books and newspapers is to curb the spread of revolutionary ideas. Anyone may support the Revolutionary Party. He alone, the heir to the throne, cannot support the Revolutionary Party's own life. .

Franz is still very morally educated, anxious for the people, and anxious for the people, so his newspaper's name is "We want bread, we want cheese."

The definition of this newspaper is exactly the same as the name. For the safety of the newspaper, he decided to put the newspaper in front of the police station.

This year's newspaper was also very troublesome. Even Franz can omit the most complicated procedures, but the labor and the site always need to find by themselves.

The most important thing is the newspaper editors and reporters. These people must have blood, dare to face this cruel society, and don't be too bloody, even forget who to eat.

Fortunately, the country's unfortunate poet was given a job in vicissitudes of life.

This sentence is still very reasonable. In the middle of the 19th century, a large number of literati and writers also emerged in Austria. Some of these people insisted on creating, and some of them changed their way to play politics.

In any case, the skill of the pen propaganda is not comparable to the nobility.

For example, Kossuth, a Hungarian politician from a lawyer's origin, was a propaganda strongman, which opened the prelude to Hungarian independence in 1847, and once became the head of the Hungarian Republic.

Of course, he also has the common problem of literati. He is an idealist. The plans made are often divorced from the actual situation, and the uprising is naturally suppressed.

Franz has no interest in Kossuth, and no matter how strong his propaganda ability is, he cannot hold him back as an extreme nationalist.

The two sides are naturally antagonistic. Of course, if they want to buy, they may not be successful, but Franz does not have this interest.

In his concept of employment, the importance of loyalty far exceeds ability, and the minimum employment bottom line must also ensure that it is not the enemy.

After a moment of contemplation, Franz wrote a few names on the piece of paper, and then commanded: "Raul, send someone to check the people on the list. If there is no problem, send them in the name of the newspaper. An invitation! "

"Yes, Grandpa!" The follower Raul said quickly.

In this era, it is not easy to recruit people. The university is still an ivory tower. There are no ordinary people in it. The parents with the lowest status are also small capitalists.

The so-called inspirational stories are used to deceive people, and the high tuition fees are simply not enough to work together.

The literati and writers in the society are not as downcast as everyone thinks, of course, the exception in the family road.

If you want to recruit people, you can either hang a billboard in a place with a lot of people or advertise in the newspaper, or more through acquaintances.

An acquaintance introduced that this was definitely not suitable for Franz. The people he contacted were not so mixed, and Dragons did not live with snakes, and naturally they would not know those ordinary workers.

However, this is not anxious. It is still easy to recruit ordinary workers. Compared to other industries, working in a newspaper is still a decent job. I am not afraid that no one will come.

Instead, it takes time to recruit journalists and editors. The people Franz invited are now well-known literati in society.

It doesn't matter if they come or not, this just tells them that now there is another newspaper in Austria, and they also have a place to publish articles and earn manuscripts.

Throughout, he didn't make a public appearance, although many people will know that he is the boss behind this newspaper.

If it is not for economic reasons, Franz would not mind running dozens of newspapers at one time, and open fire to fight for the dominance of public opinion.

Taking into account the problem of return on investment, Franz gave a decisive counsel, mastering a newspaper usually points to the mountains and rivers, if necessary, you can take the rhythm.

Reforms in Austria have been going on for many years, and the current Prime Minister Clemens Metternich was once a representative of the reformists.

It is just that he is no longer a man inside or out, and the domestic bourgeoisie has not considered his reform efforts strong enough to satisfy all their interests.

The noble conservatives also rejected him as the prime minister. As a representative of the noble interest group, he advocated that the liberation of serfs harmed the interests of the noble group.

Even the Vienna court, in fact, did not catch a cold on his reformist prime minister for a very simple reason. The slogan was shouted for too long, but the reform did not see results.

Franz is probably the person who can understand him best in this era. In a word, the Austrian Empire is like a moth-eaten house. If you move a part, no one knows how much it will collapse.

Out of a cautious and responsible attitude, Metternich's reforms were carried out very carefully, lest the bad ones fail.

Naturally, this kind of reform that has shrunk and shrunk cannot succeed. How can reform without bloodshed succeed?

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