Chapter 353： Deliberate uprising

After Alexander II's succession, reforms were initiated in the country. In order to win the support of the Poles, the means of ruling in Poland were eased.

The Tsarist government pardoned political prisoners in Poland and allowed the formation of Polish medical schools and agricultural associations in Warsaw.

In 1863, Alexander II restored the Faith and Public Education Commission, which was cancelled two decades ago. At the same time, the Tsarist government also allowed a conference of state representatives. (Consulting)

(Note: The time for Alexander II's succession was postponed, and the time for reform was also postponed. Many times in the book and history have changed)

These concessions of the Tsarist government satisfied the Polish bourgeoisie and aristocracy. The convening of the State Council gives them channels to influence domestic politics.

Happiness is always compared. Compared with the reforms in Austria more than a decade ago, the reforms of the Tsarist government are much happier than their counterparts in Galicia.

You must know that during the European Revolution in 1848, nobles and capitalists in Galicia were too active, so most of them were chopped to death by the rioting farmers, and the remaining half were treated by the Vienna government because they were involved in the rebellion. Lost.

What survived was either cautiousness or the loyalty of the Habsburgs, who stood firm with the emperor.

The lesson learned is that the expectations of the nobles and capitalists of Russian Poland have decreased. If Sha and the imperial government tear their faces, they believe that the consequences will definitely be more serious.

At least the Vienna government will find a reasonable excuse to act within the rules, but the tsarist government does not need it.

Franz is the master of weakness and intimidation. Most of the people who die by themselves are capitalists who have no foundation and are notorious.

For the nobles, they are usually forced to redeem the land. Only when the plot is serious will they deprive them of the title, and the destruction of people will never be done by themselves.

The compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles caused the attention of the governments of Berlin and Vienna, many worrying that this was a prelude to Russian expansion in Europe.

The Vienna government is nothing more. Austria's strength is not what it used to be. There is also the Russian-Australian alliance. The chances of the Russians' big action against Austria are infinite.

The Berlin government wouldn't do it. In the eyes of anti-Russians, Russia's compromise with Russia was closely linked to the Tsarist government's plan to seize general Polish territory.

It is uncertain when this plan was first made. In the first Putin war, I do not know whether it was intentional or unintentional. The Tsarist government leaked out plans to seize General Poland.

Because of this plan, after the unification war in Austria, the Kingdom of Prussia was hesitant to take action and missed the opportunity to annex North Germany.

At that time, the Tsarist government deployed 200,000 troops on the border between the two countries. Nicholas I also specially dispatched people to encourage Prussia to take action. As a result, the more the Tsarist government encouraged Frederick-William IV to move.

No way, Mao Xiong's credibility is too bad. Another Russian-Olympian alliance is here, and the Berlin government is worried that if the main force is dispatched, it will be hit by the Russian-Octodian joint.

The Vienna government also has a plan to divide Prussia between Russia and Austria. Although it is only a smoke bomb released by Franz, the Berlin government dares not to bet.

In local warfare, whether facing the Austrian attack or the Russian attack, the Kingdom of Prussia can support for a long time, waiting for intervention by European countries.

Cross-border combat is different. The Kingdom of Prussia has not yet shown the invincibility of the next generation. The performance of the first Pudan war left the Berlin government with no confidence.

After learning that the Tsarist government and the Polish had compromised, the Berlin government immediately began public relations, hoping that the Tsarist government would change its position on the Poles.

Prime Minister Frank said privately: "I sympathize with the situation of the Poles, but we also have to survive. There is no way to let them die."

His attitude is also the position of the Prussian government, and doing everything possible to undermine the compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles has become the national policy of the Prussian government.

In the mid-1960s, Polish society of the Conference Kingdom faced two options.

First, cooperation with the Tsarist government can bring some relief to national oppression and some incomplete social reforms.

Second, in cooperation with the Russian Revolutionary Movement, everyone worked together to overthrow the rule of the Tsarist government.

Obviously, although the second method can be used to obtain funding from European countries, the success rate of rebellion has never been high, and the possibility of becoming a hero is far greater than that of being a hero. It is not a choice of the bourgeoisie.

The Polish Independence Movement organization could not get the support of nobles and capitalists, they turned to attract workers and farmers.

Under the control of the British, as early as the end of 1862, the Polish Independent Organization and the Russian Revolutionary Organization signed an agreement to jointly oppose the rule of the Tsarist government.

The agreement stipulates that once the Polish independent organization launches an uprising, the Russian Revolutionary Organization will support them and, at the appropriate time, also launch a domestic uprising.

After the Tsarist government compromised Poland in 1863, the Kingdom of Prussia also joined the ranks of supporting Polish independent organizations. They secretly helped Polish independent organizations train their troops and allowed ordinary Polish people to give up their nationality to join revolutionary organizations.

As for the French, another supporter of the Polish Revolutionary Organization, the two sides have been linked together as early as 1848. The international French also wanted to organize an expedition to help Poland's independence.

The reforms of Alexander II also raised concerns in Britain and France. Under the butterfly effect of Franz, the Tsarist government won the Near East War and captured Constantinople. The Russian threat was more than one grade higher than in history.

The Russian Empire, which is still in the feudal era, is so powerful. If they have completed the capitalist social reforms, what will they have?

The British are worried that Russia will threaten their world supremacy after Russia continues to be strong. Especially in India, the Russians will be threatened at any time.

The French even regarded the Russians as the biggest obstacle to continental hegemony. As for Austria next door, at least it seemed that no Russians could fight.

This is the experience left by the ancestors. No matter how strong the Hapsburg dynasty, France will eventually win. The sense of superiority cultivated for hundreds of years in a row, Napoleon III decided to engage the Russians first.

The British, French, and Commonwealth countries wanted to engage the Russians, and it was better to interrupt the reform of Alexander II and split the Russian Empire.

Everyone in Europe except Russia agrees: a divided, weak Russia is the best Russia.

After having three supporters of British, French and Commonwealth, from 1863, the power of the Polish independent organization grew rapidly, and finally everyone felt that preparations were almost complete, and the Polish Independence War broke out.

This time the Poles are quite energetic. The lineup behind them is definitely the most luxurious version in history.

Except in Britain, France, and the United Kingdom, most countries in Europe are sympathetic or support Polish independence. Even Russian allies are sympathetic to Poland.

Specifically, the Polish independent organization raised a million SHIELD donations in Austria without being blocked by the Vienna government.

Behind the scenes of the Polish independent group, Franz was not interested in knowing. Anyway, it's the trouble of the Russians, and he doesn't need to care.

He knew nothing about Junker's plans. This is not an intelligence organization's incompetence, but it is a matter of no Austrian interest and it is not worth the use of spies that have been inserted into the Prussian government.

Because of the relations between the Russian and Austrian alliances, when countries conspired, they invariably avoided the eyes of Austria on the bright side.

The secret eyeliner was buried. Of course, it is impossible to pass such information, after all, every information transmission is a risk.

From beginning to end, Franz regarded the Polish uprising as an ordinary independent movement.

The support of foreign forces is inevitable. In this era, as long as an uprising is launched in the Russian Empire, there will be no lack of selfless sponsorship from international friends.

Franz didn't know, and Alexander II of St. Petersburg was also unaware. The relations with the powerful factions in Poland have only recently been eased, and capitalists and aristocrats have been attracted. The outbreak of the rebellion naturally has not attracted the attention of the Czar government.

Almost every time a rebellion erupts in Poland, the Russians have long been used to it. If there have been no riots in three years and five years, then be careful, indicating that the Poles are doing big moves.

Under the influence of habit, the tsarist government only ordered the local government to suppress the rebellion.

The reforms of Alexander II have achieved staged results. After the abolition of serfdom, Russia's industry and commerce has achieved rapid development.

Don't get me wrong, this rapid development mainly refers to the large increase in industrial production capacity. However, industrial capacity has increased, but quality has not changed much, and it is still at a disadvantage in market competition.

People in China would rather use expensive imports than domestic ones. Russian industrial products during this period had common silly and crude problems, even if they were not easy to use, the key was that the price was not cheap.

Because of the domestic transportation, the cost of raw material transportation in Russia has remained high, which has led to excessive production costs.

Trouble is coming, industrial products are manufactured, but unfortunately they cannot be sold in the market. Especially the mechanical equipment is completely out of stock.

Although the tsarist government has repeatedly raised tariffs, it still has no use. Some even ridicule that Russian-produced industrial equipment can't compete with handicrafts.

This is an exaggerated statement. No matter how efficient it is, it is higher than purely artificial. Of course, with Russia's low labor price and high defective rate of machinery and equipment, the final cost is really unknown.

In Chekov's literary works, he mentioned that the screws produced by the Russian machine tools need to be manually polished when they are used.

This may not be an exaggeration. During the Japanese-Russian war, some calibers of the artillery shells had errors. The soldiers needed to be polished before they could be loaded normally.

The weapons in the army are so well-made, and the civilian products are perfunctory, which is even less worth mentioning. In short, 19th-century Russian goods are crude proverbs.

The domestic market can't be sold, and the international market is unattended. Against this background, the Tsarist government decided to use its gun to find an export market for industrial and commercial products.

In the summer of 1864, Alexander II approved the War Ministry's plan to expand in Central Asia, and the Polish uprising that had just broken out was ignored.

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