Chapter 300： The patron saint of socialism?

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January 10, 1851.

The constitution of the French Third Republic took a month to come out under the financing of the Minister of Justice, Rouet.

The Constitution of the Third Republic was more lenient than the Constitution of the Second Republic on the limitation of presidential powers.

The Legislative Assembly has also changed its name to become the Legislative Council, but all members of the Legislative Council must start from "official candidates", and only after they have the status of "official candidates" can the next round of elections be held. The Chairman and Vice-Chairman are appointed by a person selected by the President from among the "representatives".

Members of the Legislative Council no longer have a salary as they did in the days of the members of the republic, and each member receives a stipend of 25 francs per person per day while in session.

The "Second House" with the functions of the House of Lords was also established on January 15. The constitution of the Third Republic stipulates that those who can enter the "Second House", except for the special approval of the President, are already famous in France. People such as cardinals, marshals, admirals, etc.

The Constitution stipulates that the number of "Second House" should not exceed 150, and its functions are responsible for interpreting the Constitution, resolving issues not stipulated in the Constitution, and reviewing laws.

In addition to the Legislative Council and the "Second House", the Constitution also stipulates the Senate, which is an independent body appointed and dismissed by the president himself. The total number of members in the Senate is about 40-50, and each person can get The allowance is 20,000 francs.

The President presides over the Senate and, in his absence, appoints a vice-chairman for the meeting. "The Senate, under the leadership of the President of the Republic, draws up draft laws and government regulations to solve the difficulties encountered in the administration." Whenever the Senate meets with the Legislative Council, the Senate maintains the proposed bills "in the name of the government." The work of the Senate involves both legislation and administration, and thus plays a complex role in political life.

The National Assembly and the Supreme Court, these two "behemoths" of the Second Republic were completely split by Jerome Bonaparte into executive-led organizations.

The Legislative Council, the Second House and the Senate have all sworn to the outside world that the legislative power and the judicial interpretation power have been completely reduced to the vassal of the executive power. The person who holds the entire executive power in France is none other than Jerome Bonaparte.

On January 15th, after a "tense" election, Jerome Bonaparte finally completed the number of people in the Senate and the "Second House". The first "Second House" adhered to the principle of preferring not to waste. 80 people serve as representatives of the "Second House", and the Senate also chose the conservative 40 people as representatives.

On January 18, Jerome Bonaparte announced the official start of the first "Legislative Assembly" elections of the French Third Republic.

In order to express their support for the new regime, senior officials in each province personally assigned "official candidates" to conduct elections. The elections in each province lasted 12 days. Except for the six "official opposition" members who acted as fronts, the remaining members of the Legislative Council were all members of the legislature. It is the loyal support of the new regime.

On January 31, Jérôme Bonaparte, President of the French Third Republic, personally drove from the Tuileries Palace to the Legislative Corps at the Bourbon Palace.

In the Legislative Assembly at the Palais Bourbon, Jerome Bonaparte was warmly applauded by all the representatives of the Legislative Assembly.

"Let's invite Jerome Bonaparte to come to power!" Blair, chairman of the Legislative Council, sat on the rostrum where Speaker Durbin used to sit. He didn't want to be the chairman, but he was strongly framed by Jerome Bonaparte. When he arrived at the position of chairman, he pretended to help Bonaparte through difficult times. Blair could only agree to Jerome Bonaparte as chairman for a period of time.

Amid the warm applause of the Legislative Council, Jerome Bonaparte bowed to the delegates present, and he walked slowly to the podium to explain to the Legislative Council delegates what had been prepared by his secretary-general, Wallevsky, the night before. 's manuscript.

During the speech, the representatives of the Legislative Corps gave Jérôme Bonaparte warm applause from time to time.

The first Legislative Assembly session ended with the departure of Jerome Bonaparte.

Early the next morning, the Paris newspaper began to exert its full force, and the "Observer" claimed that "the Legislative Council is the symbol of French democracy!"

Le Bonaparte gave an important evaluation of Jerome Bonaparte's speech.

Other newspapers that were obedient to Bonaparte also advocated the advanced nature of the "Legislative Council" system from various angles. Even Proudhon made a rare positive comment on Jerome Bonaparte. M. Bonaparte is a true patron saint of socialism!"

"The Patronus?" Jerome Bonaparte looked at Proudhon's "People's newspaper" with a smile on his face.

If he didn't know something about Proudhon, he almost thought that Proudhon was connoting him, and everything he did had a bit of a real socialist shadow.

Just as Jerome Bonaparte was reading the newspapers inside and outside France with gusto, Wallevsky, the secretary of the office, entered the study.

"What happened?" Jerome Bonaparte looked up at Vallewski.

"Your Excellency, Russian Diplomatic Ambassador Vladimirovich asks for an interview!" Valevsky responded to Jerome Bonaparte.

Vladimirovich? What does he come to do?

Jerome Bonaparte thought to himself that he did not understand whether Vladimirovich brought France the goodwill of the Russian Empire or a declaration of war from the Russian Empire.

Jerome Bonaparte put down the newspaper in his hand and got up and ordered Wallevsky to bring the guests over.

After Wallevsky left the room, Jerome Bonaparte sat slowly on the sofa.

Vladimirovich was quickly brought up to Jerome Bonaparte under the leadership of Wallewski.

"Your Excellency!" Vladimirovich paid tribute to the French dictator without humility.

"Please sit down!" Jerome Bonaparte stretched out his hand and invited Vladimirovich to sit down.

After seeing Vladimirovich take his seat, Valevsky left the study after completing the task.

Only Jerome Bonaparte and Vladimirovich were left in the study.

"Your Excellency, congratulations on your victory over the parliament!" Vladimirovich congratulated Jerome Bonaparte.

Jerome Bonaparte said in a flat tone: "This is an obligation entrusted to me by the French people, and I just respect the wishes of all the French people!"

Vladimirovich looked at the French dictator with a smile, and he didn't want to believe a single word of what the dictator said.

Just six months ago, Jerome Bonaparte, the president, swore to "assure" him that he would get off work on time.

But who could have imagined that after only half a year, the president who once announced that he would be off duty at the end of the day became a consul with a ten-year term. Thanks to the dictator, he had to face and did not change his term to life.

When Vladimirovich presented everything that happened in France back to the Russian Empire, and warned the country to be careful, Jerome Bonaparte was likely to change the republic into an empire.

An even more unexpected scene for Vladimirovich was born. Tsar Nicholas I, who received a letter from Vladimirovich, was uncharacteristically happy for the situation in the French Republic after seeing the letter, and wrote a letter to praise the heat. France was saved by Roma Bonaparte's swift suppression of the "Red Revolution" and the liberal actions.

Karl Necherrodie also wrote in a letter claiming: "The empty talk of the Red Party and the constitutional thinkers, which Jerome Bonaparte smashed in one fell swoop, makes them unable to make a comeback!"

When Vladimirovich received two compliment letters naming names, he almost thought that there was something wrong with his original letter to the country.

Vladimirovich guessed correctly. The letter he sent from France to St. Petersburg had been partially edited after it entered the hands of Foreign Minister Karl Nescher Rodie.

Karl Nescherroddy believed that this letter would have serious consequences for the Russian Empire, and that rashly handing over to the Tsar would cause the Russian Empire's finances to fall into crisis.

The tsar who received the letter would never sit back and watch the French Republic fall into the hands of Jerome Bonaparte. Once the army in his hand was used, it would inevitably lead to a financial crisis.

For a country already riddled with holes, any larger move would put the government in financial jeopardy.

The Russian Empire has already paid for the "willfulness" of the Tsar from 1848 to 1850, and definitely can no longer pay for the willfulness of the Tsar in 1851Carl Necherrodie intercepted a part of Jerome Bonaparte The coup d'état served as the governing content, focusing on crushing the red revolution and the liberals.

If one day things are revealed, Karl Nescherrodie can also kick Vladimirovich out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for "covering up the report", and it is best to send him to Siberia.

Sure enough, after receiving the letter from Karl Necherrodie to him, Nicholas I "Beautiful Joy" immediately wrote a handwritten letter and asked Carl Necherrodie to pass it on to Jerome Bona. bar.

The letterhead was issued in late January, and it came to Vladimirovich after landing at Calais.

After receiving the letter, Vladimirovich came to Jerome Bonaparte and handed it to him.

"This is a letter from our Majesty Nicholas I to you!" Vladimirovich handed the letter to Jerome Bonaparte.

Jerome Bonaparte took Vladimirovich's letterhead and opened it, glanced at the contents of the letterhead, and said with a smile: "Thank you Tsar Nicholas for your support! The French Republic will always be Will not forget the friendship with the Russian Empire! But..."

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